Tracy L.M. Kennedy

PhD Research

The Domestic Internet

CSAA June 2005:

This will be an overview of my research objectives.

ASA August 2005:

Domesticating the Internet: Household Internet Use and the Domestic Division of Labour

Most recent statistics in Canada indicate that Canadian internet use is highest from home, with 62% of households using the internet at least once a day on average from home (Statistics Canada 2002). However, this amount is increasing steadily. Given that many Canadians are utilizing the internet in the home, it is timely to consider what factors within the household contribute to daily usage patterns. The household has often been cited as contested terrain between women and men in relation to unpaid work and the division of labour. What effect does the domestic division of labour have on household Internet use?

Examining the Internet in the home must include a look at social contexts of individual household Internet experiences. For example, feminist literature concerning technology in the home is useful as a framework because it focuses on the importance of social roles, the hierarchy of these roles, and the relationships of power between women and men in relation to technological skills and use (Cowan 1983; 1987; 1999). There are often expectations that technology in the home (domestic technology) will be labour and time saving devices that alleviate women's domestic responsibilities, but this has not been the case (Wajcman 1991). Domestic technology has not lessened the unpaid workload for women, and ultimately reproduces ideas of appropriate femininity (and masculinity). The structure of the household division of labour tends to produce technologies that replicate the status quo rather than challenge them. Is the household Internet any different? If indeed the Internet has become 'domesticated', we need to consider what this really means to household members, and whether the household Internet exacerbates gender stereotypes and the domestic division of labour, or challenges them. The household Internet may provide an opportunity to contest household roles, the division of labour, and the expectations that women possess less technological skills.

The purpose of this paper is to examine whether household roles and the domestic division of labour shape how women and men use the internet in Canadian homes by using a triangulation of methods; surveys, interviews and in-home ethnographies. The study takes place in a borough of a large Canadian city whose populace represents a wide range of ethnicities, socioeconomic statuses, and household arrangements - reflective of Canadian diversity. A detailed survey dropped off to 350 randomly selected participants were asked questions about their use of technology, location of household technology and how they communicate with their family and friends. A sub-sample of 85 participants were interviewed in their home, and asked semi-structured follow-up questions regarding their use of technology in the home. Participants were also asked to demonstrate how they use the internet, and pictures were taken of where the internet access point was located.

Given the plethora of research regarding domestic technology, there are a limited number of empirical researchers examining the household internet, particularly within the framework of domestication. What should be understood about household Internet use are the roles or the expectations that people have of one another in the household. Roles within the home are gendered, raced and classed, and are often reinforced and strengthened through social interaction between people (West & Zimmmerman 1987). Existing social arrangements, cultural conditions and practices that surround household technologies (Ribak 2001) are prevalent, and the Internet in the household must be examined with this in mind. Examining how the household Internet is becoming domesticated should also address how a technology shapes, and becomes a part of one's gender identity, and how women and men often relate to stereotypical images of gender identity (such as men being technologically competent) (Rommes 2002).

AoIR October 2005:

Private Spaces and Communal Places: Exploring the Ecology of the Household Internet

Most recent statistics in Canada indicate that Canadian internet use is highest from home, with 62% of households using the internet at least once a day on average from home (Statistics Canada 2002). However, this amount is increasing steadily. Where are household computers located? Computer and internet space is constructed in ways that suit the household. Where to place the computer, either in a private office in the home, or in a communal space, will greatly affect who uses it, and when they use it (Frohlich & Kraut 2002; Haddon & Skinner 1991; Aro & Peteri 2003). For example, when the computer is placed in a person's private office space, it can deter his/her spouse and children from using it (Haddon & Skinner 1991). Similarly, if the computer (with internet) is placed in a parent's or child's bedroom, it is can be difficult for other household members to have access to it, for example when they are sleeping.

Some household spaces are more conducive to social interaction. Households are likely to put the internet in communal areas such as the dining room, family room, spare room or basement. As well, some places are more semi-private such as a study in which all household members can access it. The place where households put the internet signifies its importance in their lives, from communication centre (Rommes 2002), to information centre (Aro & Peteri 2003). Similar arguments have been made about other technologies such as the television. The physical position of televisions in the household, the incorporation of it into the daily routine and how it is incorporated into private and domestic lives will differ among individuals and households (Morely & Silverstone1990).

The purpose of this paper is to examine the implications of internet location in Canadian homes by using a triangulation of methods; surveys, interviews and in-home ethnographies. The study takes place in a borough of a large Canadian city whose populace represents a wide range of ethnicities, socioeconomic statuses, and household arrangements - reflective of Canadian diversity. A detailed survey dropped off to 350 randomly selected participants were asked questions about their use of technology, location of household technology and how they communicate with their family and friends. A sub-sample of 100 participants were interviewed in their home, and asked semi-structured follow-up questions regarding their use of technology in the home. Participants were also asked to demonstrate how they use the internet, and pictures were taken of where the internet access point was located.

This paper addresses where households have the internet access located, the reasons for placing it there, and examines how the location of the internet access is situated within socio-cultural contexts of the household and influences use. As well, this paper illustrates how household spaces are reorganized to accommodate the internet, and how individuals navigate and organize themselves around internet use (Ward 2002). Early analysis of the data indicates that internet in communal spaces can be beneficial for household members because they are spending time together using the internet. While computers have been blamed for the decline of social interaction between family members (Putnam 2000), this research indicates this is not the case.

For example, surfing the web together for information (such as health, travel and leisure) in the Living Room is important to some families. Also, while communicating on the internet is often considered a more personal and private activity, this research reveals how households spend time communicating together - using Instant Messaging and Webcams - with family members outside the household, both locally and globally. This is particularly the case for immigrants, who rely on internet communication to maintain family ties. Moreover, despite the location of internet access in more private spaces of bedrooms and offices, household members are still inclined to share the space with others in order to access information and communicate with people outside the home.

To date, there are a limited number of empirical researchers examining the notions of 'space and place' of the household internet. There is a complex process occurring between the household internet and its members; household structures are changing, time is spent differently, and relationships are becoming more diverse. This research illustrates how people resourcefully manage household spaces, how they interpret what is happening in the home, how they construct and improvise their household internet activities, and make decisions regarding the household internet from moment-to-moment.