Adair, E.R., "The French-Canadian Seigneury," Canadian Historical Review, 35, September 1954, 187-207. Moving from France to frontier conditions the seigneurial system was changed. The village community had almost completely vanished, but the parish survived without fundamental alterations.
Altman, M., "Economic Growth, Economic Structure, and Real Gross Domestic Product in Early Canada, 1695-1739: Estimates and Analysis," William and Mary Quarterly," 45, October 1988, 684-711. Utilizes census data to create estimates of real GDP for New France over the period 1695-1739. Total and per capita real GDP data are presented for three sectors (fur, agricultural and nonagricultural) in 1749 livres. Per capita output fluctuated considerably over the period as a whole, rising from 115 livres in 1695 to a peak of 150 in 1727 and then falling to a low of 95 in 1737 before recovering again to reach 138 in 1739.
Altman, M., "Seigniorial Tenure in New France, 1688-1739: An Essay on Income Distribution and Retarded Economic Development," Historical Reflections/Réflections historiques, 10, Fall, 1983, 335-75. Utilizes census material to examine the reasons for slow economic growth in New France. Unlike earlier authorities on the subject the author concludes that the seigniorial system was probably partly to blame because it altered the distribution of income which in turn changed the pattern of investment and kept the level of total output lower than it otherwise could have been. The findings are somewhat modified in a subsequent "Note on the Economic Burden of the Seigniorial System in New France, 1688-1739", same journal, 14, Spring 1987, 135-42. The latter draws upon new estimates made by the author of real GDP for New France over the period 1695-1739 which put in doubt the traditional view of the colony's relatively poor economic performance. (See next entry.)
Ankli, R.E. and K. Duncan, "Farm Making Costs in Early Ontario," Canadian Papers in Rural History, 4, 1983. The cost of a farm varied greatly depending on location and the amount of improvement, although there were ways for settlers without capital to obtain land. But apart from the cost of the land, the authors estimate that it would have been very difficult to begin farming in Ontario in the 1840's without having at least 100 pounds.
Armstrong, R., Structure and Change: An Economic History of Quebec, Toronto, Gage, 1984, Chapters 2 and 6.
Burton, F.W., "The Wheat Supply of New France," Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada , 3rd Series, Part 2, 30, May 1936, 137-50. Presents a traditional view of weakness of French agriculture and reliance on British food sources, suggesting that policy aggravated instability by discouraging private traders, and that the domestic marketing arrangements remained primitive.
Courville, S. and N. Sequin, Rural Life in Nineteenth Century Quebec, Ottawa, Canadian Historical Association Booklet No. 47, 1989.
Cowan, H.I., British Emigration to British North America: The First Hundred Years, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1961.
Cowan, H.I., British Immigration before Confederation, Ottawa, Canadian Historical Association Booklet No. 22, 1968.
Creighton, D.G., "The Economic Background of the Rebellions of Eighteen Thirty Seven," Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, 3, August 1937, 322-334. A good example of an older tradition of scholarship in this field, with the author arguing that the rebellions were simply the final expression of the conflict between agrarianism and commercialism, another example of the "countryside against the town."
Eccles, W.J., France in America, Toronto, Fitzhenry and Whiteside, 1972.
Eccles, W.J., The Canadian Frontier, 1534-1760, New York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1969.
Gates, L.F., Land Policies of Upper Canada, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1968.
Greer, A., Peasant, Lord and Merchant: Rural Society in Three Quebec Parishes 1740-1840, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1985.
Harris, R.C. and J. Warkentin, Canada before Confederation: A Study in Historical Geography, Toronto, Oxford University Press, 1974.
Harris, R.C., "The Extension of France in Rural Canada," in J.R. Gibson, European Settlement and Development in North America, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1978, 27-45.
Isbister, J., "Agriculture, Balanced Growth and Social Change in Central Canada since 1850: An Interpretation," Economic Development and Cultural Change, 25, July 1977, 673-97. Seeks to show that the contrast between Ontario and Quebec farm productivity in the 19th century was attributable largely to cultural factors -- "a different attitude toward the farming life". Discusses role of agriculture in the theory of balanced growth.
Jones, R.L., "Agriculture in Lower Canada 1792-1815," Canadian Historical Review, 27, March 1946, 33-51. Depicts agriculture as "backward economically and technologically" prior to 1792, but the European wars thereafter promoted expansion and conversion to a more commercial type of farming. This was also encouraged by an increase in population. The growth slowed in 1807-1812, but resumed with the War of 1812. By the end of 1815, however, bad agricultural practices were threatening to destroy the fertility of the land.
Jones, R.L., "The Agricultural Development of Lower Canada 1850-1867," Agricultural History, 19, October 1945, 212-24. A rather detailed account of the backwardness of the "French Canadian portion" of Lower Canada compared to the Montreal region and the Eastern Townships which "duplicated the economic progress of Upper Canada and the Northern States."
Jones, R.L., "The Canadian Agricultural Tariff of 1843," Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, 7, November 1941, 528-37. The beginnings of Canadian protectionism date from the provincial law of 1842 which imposed a duty of three shillings a quarter on American grain, not from the tariff of 1847. The first true break in the colonial system was brought about by "pioneer farmers trying to exclude outsiders from their local markets", not by capitalists seeking to establish new industries.
Jones, R.L., History of Agriculture in Ontario 1613-1880, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1946.
Kerr, D. and W.J. Smyth, "Agriculture, Balanced Growth and Social Change in Central Canada since 1850: Some Comments toward a More Complete Explanation," Economic Development and Cultural Change, 28, April 1980, 615-21. A criticism of Isbister's 1977 article, claiming that many of his explanations are "little more than ethnic stereotyping." Isbister's reply follows on pp. 623-25.
Landon, F., Western Ontario and the American Frontier, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart, 1967.
Le Goff, T.J.A., "A Reply (To Paquet and Wallot's "The Agricultural Crisis in Lower Canada 1802-12: Mise au Point ....") Canadian Historical Review, 56, June 1975, 162-68. Explains that there was a "structural" crisis in Lower Canada at this time that contained the roots (as Ouellet originally suggested) of later difficulties, but not a sharp sudden crisis accompanied by high mortality.
Le Goff, T.J.A., "The Agricultural Crisis in Lower Canada 1802-1812: A Review of a Controversy," Canadian Historical Review, 55, March 1974, 1-31. Reviews and attempts to make more systematic the debate between Ouellet and Paquet and Wallot over what happened to agriculture in Lower Canada around 1800—did productivity fall due to backwardness in technique, was there a "crisis"?
Lewis, F.D. and M. McInnis, "The Efficiency of the French Canadian Farmer in the Nineteenth Century," Journal of Economic History, 40, September 1980, 497-514. The authors use 1851-2 census data to show that differences in the total factor productivity of French and English districts was small and probably not significant. Ethnic differences were perhaps not important in accounting for Lower Canada's "retardation".
Lizars, R. and K. MacFarlane, In the Days of the Canada Company, Belleville, Ontario, Mika Publishing, 1973.
Marr, W.L. and D.G. Paterson, eds., Canada: An Economic History, Toronto, Macmillan of Canada, 1980, Chapter 4.
Marr, W.L., "The Wheat Economy in Reverse: Ontario Wheat Production 1887-1917," Canadian Journal of Economics, 14, February 1981, 136-45. Develops a supply model of wheat for Ontario during the time when the province was undergoing major economic changes. Finds that wheat was primarily a frontier crop and that in Ontario productivity growth in wheat was growing more slowly than in other agricultural products. Seeks to remedy the excessive emphasis in the literature on prairie agricultural developments during this period and on Ontario's non-agricultural sectors.
McCallum, J., Unequal Beginnings: Agriculture and Economic Development in Quebec and Ontario until 1878, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1980.
McGuigan, G., "Administration of Land Policy and the Growth of Corporate Economic Organization in Lower Canada 1791-1809," Canadian Historical Association Report, 1963, 65-73. Examines the use of the leader and associates system brought to Lower Canada from New England and used to colonize the Eastern Townships in the period indicated.
McInnis, M.A., "Reconsideration of the State of Agriculture in Lower Canada in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century," Canadian Papers in Rural History, 3, 1982, 9-49. An "essay in criticism" of existing explanations of the weakness of French Canadian agriculture in the period 1800 to 1850. While acknowledging that in the first half of the 19th century there were "some significant problems" to be met and "some major adjustments" to be made, the author remains unsure whether these were unique to Lower Canada, and doubts that the situation is usefully described as one of "crisis".
McInnis, M.A., "Some Pitfalls in the 1851-52 Census of Agriculture of Lower Canada," Histoire sociale/Social History, 14, May 1981, 219-31. This particular census is of great importance because it provides evidence used to support the view that in the first half of the 19th century French Canadian agriculture was marked by low productivity and backwardness. Two difficulties with the data are that the data reported by French farmers was in arpents and minots whereas that for English farmers was in acres and bushels. Apparently no adjustment was made for this in compiling the returns. A second problem is that a "sizeable but widely varying proportion" of the farms included in the census were small plots held by non-farmers. The author suggests ways of correcting for these distortions.
Miquelon, D., New France, 1701-1744, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart, 1987.
Paquet, G. and J-P Wallot, "Economic Strategy of the Habitant Landholder: Quebec, 1790-1835," Revue d’histoire de l’Amérique française, 39, 4, Spring 1986, 551-81. The authors continue there attack on the traditional view of the habitant as a backward, unprogressive, conservative farmer unresponsive to market pressures. Evidence is presented to show that on the contrary most of the habitants at the turn of the 19th century pursued a strategy of increasing their landholdings and wealth. In the process a group of landless peasants formed who had to settle in villages.
Paquet, G. and J-P Wallot, "The Agricultural Crisis in Lower Canada 1802-12: Mise au Point, A Response to T. J. A. LeGoff," Canadian Historical Review, 56, June 1975, 133-68. Reject LeGoff's view which they hold is a variant of Ouellet putting more emphasis on demographic pressures and problems of terrain while Ouellet emphasized the conservatism of the habitant. They continue to insist that there was no "crisis".
Percy, M.B. and R. Szostak, "The Political Economy of the Abolition of Seigneurial Tenure in Canada East," Explorations in Economic History, 29(1), Jan. 1992, pp. 51-68. A study of the abolition of seigneurial tenure in Canada East in 1854 which leads the authors to conclude that the government's motivation was based more on the income distributional effects than the issue of efficient use of resources.
Phillips, P., "Land Tenure and Economic Development: A Comparison of Upper and Lower Canada," Journal of Canadian Studies, 9, May 1974, 35-45. Surveys patterns of land-holding in the two regions and suggests that seigneurial agriculture in Lower Canada was abandoned because it limited opportunity for industrial expansion.
Pomfret, R., "The Mechanization of Reaping in Nineteenth-Century Ontario: A Case Study of the Pace and Causes of the Diffusion of Embodied Technical Change," Journal of Economic History, 36, June 1976, 399-415. A study of the economic decision to innovate. Uses model based on Paul David's concept of a threshold farm size.
Reaman, G.E., A History of Agriculture in Ontario, Toronto, Saunders, 1970.
Thomas, H.M., "Agricultural Policy in New France," Agricultural History, 9, January 1935, 41-60. A somewhat dated account of rivalry between the fur trade and agriculture, arguing that it was recognized that only agriculture could provide a "permanent social basis for New France". Discusses the policies prescribed to this end.
Trudel, M., Introduction to New France, Toronto, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1968.
Trudel, M., The Beginnings of New France, 1524-1663, Toronto, McClelland and Stewart, 1973.
Trudel, M., The Seigneurial Regime, Canadian Historical Association Booklet No. 6, Ottawa, Canadian Historical Association, 1971.
Wallot, J-P., "Le Régime seigneurial et son abolition au Canada," Canadian Historical Review, 50, December 1969, 367-93. Identifies the main features of the feudal order in Quebec and shows how its abolition in 1854 was associated with changing economic and political circumstances.
Wilson, A., The Clergy Reserves of Upper Canada: A Canadian Mortmain, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1968.
Young, B. and J. Dickinson, A Short History of Quebec: A Socio-Economic Perspective, Toronto, Copp Clark Pitman, 1988.
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